This government-sanctioned practice validated other racist maneuvers, such as restrictive covenants that barred Blacks from home ownership by means of legal agreements set up by previous owners, undervaluing of real estate in Black neighborhoods, and mob violence against Blacks who moved into White neighborhoods. Federal mortgages were declined regardless of home loan officers’ racial views it was not personal. Redlining made mortgages less accessible, rendering prospective Black homebuyers vulnerable to predatory terms, thereby increasing lender profits, reducing access to home ownership, and depriving these communities of an asset that is central to intergenerational wealth transfer. Using racial composition as part of its assessment, HOLC staff literally drew red lines (hence “redlining”) around communities with large Black populations, flagging them as hazardous investment areas whose residents would not receive HOLC loans. 8 To guide determinations of mortgage-worthiness, HOLC created maps of at least 239 U.S. In 1933, the federal government established the Home Owners’ Loan Corporation (HOLC) to expand homeownership as a part of recovery from the Great Depression. Redlining and Racialized Residential Segregation These examples, among others, share certain cardinal features: harms are historically grounded, involve multiple institutions, and rely on racist cultural tropes. racial hierarchy.Īs a legacy of African enslavement, structural racism affects both population and individual health in three interrelated domains: redlining and racialized residential segregation, mass incarceration and police violence, and unequal medical care. 3,8 Confronting racism, therefore, requires not only changing individual attitudes, but also transforming and dismantling the policies and institutions that undergird the U.S.
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3-7 All definitions make clear that racism is not simply the result of private prejudices held by individuals, 8 but is also produced and reproduced by laws, rules, and practices, sanctioned and even implemented by various levels of government, and embedded in the economic system as well as in cultural and societal norms. There is no “official” definition of structural racism - or of the closely related concepts of systemic and institutional racism - although multiple definitions have been offered. This framing is captured by the term “structural racism.” 2 With this change comes growing recognition that racism has a structural basis and is embedded in long-standing social policy. Elected officials, corporate leaders, and academics alike use the slogan “Black Lives Matter,” which has also been widely adopted by members of the public, who by the millions protested the extrajudicial killing of George Floyd. society and of its high cost in Black lives. In the 5 years since one of us published “#BlackLivesMatter - A Challenge to the Medical and Public Health Communities” in the Journal, 1 we have seen a sea change in the recognition of racism as a durable feature of U.S.
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